News
from STATE SENATOR
Liz Krueger
COMMUNITY
BULLETIN – May 2005
Message from Liz . . .
Earlier this month the Senate gave final approval to two budget reform bills (S.1 and S.2), which match legislation passed by the Assembly earlier this year. One of these bills is a constitutional amendment that will now go before the voters this fall. While there are a number of good items in these proposals, in the end I could not support them, as I believe they represent a flawed model of budget reform that eliminates one problem with our budget process by unnecessarily creating another.
One problem that these bills address is the
inordinate power of the Governor in the budget process, power that was
increased even more by a recent court decision.
Through his executive budget, the Governor has the power not only to
propose spending levels, but can also insert language that changes state
policy. And while the constitution does
permit the legislature to alter the numbers, according to the courts, we are
not permitted to alter the policy-making language. This has the effect of transferring huge
amounts of legislative power to the executive branch, which is a violation of
the principal of separation of powers, and taken to its extreme could
effectively eliminate the legislature from the policy making process
entirely. The one power the courts have
left to the legislature is the power of delay – we can simply refuse to pass
the governor’s budget. This is hardly a
desirable option however, since late budgets have been a chronic problem for
our state, and has real consequences for localities, schools and nonprofits
that depend on the state for support.
Unfortunately, the solution to the
concentration of power with the executive offered by these bills swings the
pendulum too far, and creates a new incentive for late budgets. The most problematic provisions deal with the
adoption and amendment of a “contingency budget,” which would go into effect
automatically if the budget is not adopted by the beginning of the fiscal
year. Under the proposed constitutional
amendment, the power of the legislature would increase dramatically once the
budget was late, because we could effectively ignore the original executive
budget, and replace it with their own through amendments to the contingency
budget. This provision would create an
incentive for the legislature to delay passage of the budget until after the
beginning of the fiscal year, since by doing so they would dramatically
increase their power in the budget process.
It is also important to remember the history
of
I had voted for this amendment in the past but
I now believe that the problems with the contingency budget sections of the
amendment outweigh the other useful reforms included in the legislation. There are important parts of the budget
reform package that make sense, such as moving the start of the fiscal year to
May 1st, which will allow for more accurate revenue projections, and
increasing the time for public and legislative review of the executive budget.
I changed my position and opposed this
amendment because I believe this may be our only chance to achieve real reform
of the budget process, and we need to get it right. That means finding a middle ground between
removing the legislature from the policy making process, as is now the case
based on the December 2005 court decision, and undermining the Governor’s
ability to develop a comprehensive spending plan for the state. We should have a budget process that allows
the Governor to propose the budget, but provides the legislature the
opportunity to review and change those proposals.
Fortunately, there is another option on the
table, which better achieves an appropriate balance between the Executive and
the Legislative Branches. Another
proposed constitutional amendment (S.3195) would impose new requirements on the
Governor’s budget that would eliminate the problem of the Governor inserting
policy changes in budget bills, and also requires that budget bills be clearly
itemized so that the purpose of expenditures can be easily determined. This bill, which I supported, is earlier in the
process, in that it must pass the legislature in two consecutive sessions
before appearing on the ballot for public approval, but I believe it is worth
the wait. Amending the Constitution is a
serious matter, and it is better to take the time to get it right, rather than
making a change now that we will have to revisit in a few years when it becomes
clear we have simply exchanged one dysfunctional process for another.
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Community Spotlight
Opposing a Liquor License for Proposed Embassy Bar at
Over the past several years, the
Opposition to Proposed Parking Structure on
North Side of
I have written a
letter to the New York City Landmarks Commission in opposition to the proposed
parking facility on
Participate in the 2005 Tree Census:
The New York City
Department of Parks and Recreation is seeking volunteers to assist with the
2005 Tree Census. Every 10 years, the
city conducts a census of one of the city’s half million street trees. If you would like to help with this years
tree count, call 311 or visit www.nyc.gov/treescount
on the web.
Summer Opportunities
for Youth:
Don’t spend your
summer in front of the T.V.! The Citizens
Committee for Children publishes a free Youth Action New York City Resource
Guide that is filled with internships (both summer and year-long), summer
youth employment and community opportunities, academic and tutoring programs
and tips for preparing for college. You
can access the guide at www.cccnewyork.org/youthactionnyc/index.html,
or call (212) 673-1800 to request a copy.
The
MTA and the
Late
last month, I submitted an amicus brief in support of a lawsuit filed by
NYPIRG, the Straphangers Campaign, Common Cause, TWU Local 100 and the
Tri-State Transportation Campaign challenging the plans of the MTA to sell the
Hudson Rail Yards to the New York Jets. On March 31, 2005, the
MTA board voted to award the development rights for the West Side Rail Yards to
the New York Jets for a present value of $210 million, a quarter of the MTA’s
own appraisal of the value of the site. This shocking decision, reached after
only 27 days, is clearly an abdication of the MTA’s duty to secure the most
beneficial terms possible for the sale of this valuable asset. Selling the
Yards for a fraction of their true value robs the taxpayers and the riders, who
will bear the cost of closing the MTA’s budget gap that could otherwise be
closed with funds from the sale of the Yards. The MTA’s own appraisal estimates
the Yards to be worth over $923 million. I believe that the MTA violated its
statutory and common law duties to secure the most beneficial terms possible
for the sale of this valuable asset and did not proceed through a process that
insured fairness to all potential bidders.
I
strongly oppose the proposed West Side Stadium for a number of reasons. First, the project involves a huge giveaway
from the City and the State to the Jets, to the tune of well over $1 Billion in
payments and tax breaks. I do not
support the concept of public financing for sports facilities, as the evidence
from other cities suggests that stadiums are not reliable engines of economic
development. Secondly, building a
stadium on the
That
said, this lawsuit is not primarily about whether there should be a stadium on
the
price
for its property.
The
next hearing on the lawsuit will be on June 2nd. I am hopeful that the judge will recognize
the importance of ensuring that the MTA is receiving adequate compensation for
its assets, which are in reality the assets of all New Yorkers.
Death Penalty
Last
month the Assembly Codes Committee voted down a bill that would have
reinstituted the death penalty in
The
death penalty was reinstated in
I
was pleased with the outcome in the Assembly for both policy and process
reasons, and believe that the Senate could learn from the Assembly in this
case. The Senate took a different route,
passing a “fix” of the Death Penalty – which I voted against – without any
hearings or public process. While my
Republican colleagues have indicated that they plan to hold hearings on the
death penalty at some point, it would be more useful if those hearings occurred
before we actually voted on the issue.
The
death penalty has been proven time and time again to be an ineffective tool to
deter crime. The death penalty is a failed
model for criminal justice on both the state and national
level. Numerous prisoners on death row have been exonerated, a
disproportionate number of death row inmates are minorities and are low-income people without access to qualified
attorneys. Life without parole is a more than adequate mechanism
to protect the public from even the most heinous criminal.
Support
for the death penalty has diminished in recent years. The latest polls
show that only 34% of New Yorkers support the death penalty, compared with 47%
who supported it in 1994. New Yorkers now understand why the death
penalty does not work and they have told the Legislature that we are all better
off without it. The message has been heard loud and clear that the death
penalty simply has no place in our justice system.